Hong Kong People have no room left for cunning maneuvers on national security law
The large-scale protests that have persisted in Hong Kong for nearly 16 years since 2003 have been driven by a single central theme: opposition to the enactment of Article 23 legislation.
Legislating for national security is a responsibility enshrined in the Hong Kong Basic Law that Hong Kong people must fulfill. When mutual trust existed between the central government and Hong Kong’s ruling elite, the central government confidently entrusted this matter entirely to the people of Hong Kong. By allowing Hong Kong residents to determine the timing and conditions for completing this important legislation, the Central Government demonstrated its absolute trust in the local population.
However, the facts have proven that Hong Kong residents betrayed this trust. The gap left in the mutual trust between the Chinese Central Government and Hong Kong’s elite has, surprisingly, become the root cause of over a decade of chaos.
Ever since launching large-scale demonstrations in 2003 and achieving success, Hong Kong has adopted a political strategy of using pressure to force the central government to make political concessions. This model of political blackmail has consistently proven effective. Although the slogans of the annual demonstrations vary slightly, the core message remains unchanged: opposition to the central government’s oversight of Hong Kong—not merely opposition to oversight, but a demand that the central government relinquish all administrative authority. This is the true nature of Hong Kongers’ loud demands for “universal suffrage” and “genuine universal suffrage.”
In the more than 20 years since the handover, Hong Kong has never invested resources in researching integration between the two regions. Opposition to the new curriculum is a clear indication of their unwillingness to be Chinese. The continuous organization of large-scale demonstrations, catering to the British in their political blackmail against the central government, cannot be defined by the word “greed” alone. The actions of Hong Kongers can essentially be defined as rebellion.
There is a major difference between 2019 and 2003. The current Xi Jinping administration is a tough and ambitious government. Based on signals released by recent propaganda outlets, this government has made it clear that it has different governance plans for Hong Kong. With the legislation of Article 23 of the National Security Law, Hong Kongers have little room left to play tricks. If Hong Kongers do not quickly change their strategy, the likelihood of them getting a spanking is very high. However, Hong Kongers have become adept at organizing large-scale demonstrations. Given the immense political momentum, it is extremely difficult to hit the brakes or change course. The central government’s disciplinary measures are already in place. It appears Hong Kongers are in for a beating—there is no escaping it.
Not only will Hong Kongers face punishment, but the British may also be unable to escape censure.
This outcome has been repeatedly forewarned by Ye Qiquan. He has been warning the British since 2003. Unfortunately, they have always been overly confident in their political acumen. If Ye Qiquan’s political predictions ultimately come true, it will prove that an individual’s ability to forecast political developments can sometimes far surpass that of British and American diplomatic, intelligence, and policy-making institutions.
Legislation on National Security Mechanisms
Article 23 of the Hong Kong Basic Law
Ongoing Rebellion Since 2003
The Xi Jinping Administration’s Hardline Stance
The British Will Face Defeat
